…An Investigative Special Report
Location: Port Harcourt, Rivers State
By The Neighbourhood Political Desk
The protracted battle for the soul of Rivers State has entered its most perilous phase yet. On Friday, December 5, 2025, the fragile legal stalemate holding the state together was shattered when 17 members of the Rivers State House of Assembly, led by Speaker Martin Amaewhule, formally defected from the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) to the All Progressives Congress (APC).
This move, in all sense brazen, calculated, and fraught with legal irony, marks a decisive escalation in the war of attrition between Governor Siminalayi Fubara and his estranged godfather, FCT Minister Nyesom Wike. It also threatens to reset a legal chessboard that had only just been settled by the Supreme Court.
The Genesis: A State on fire
The conflict, which began in October 2023 with the partial burning of the State Assembly complex, has mutated from a political disagreement into a constitutional crisis of historic proportions. What started as an impeachment plot against Governor Fubara has evolved into a proxy war involving the Presidency, the judiciary, and the streets of Port Harcourt. “It is no longer just about who controls the Brick House,” says Dr. Chidi Amadi, a constitutional lawyer based in Port Harcourt. “It is about whether a state can function with two governments: one holding the executive pen, and the other holding the legislative gavel, both operating from different locations and different legal realities.”
The judicial maze: Coordinate and divergent rulings
The path to the current crisis is paved with contradictory court orders that left the state’s governance in limbo.
The War of the High Courts (2023–2024)
Throughout 2024, the judiciary became the primary battleground.
The Federal High Court (Abuja): Justice J.K. Omotosho repeatedly ruled in favour of the Wike-backed Amaewhule faction. He nullified the N800 billion 2024 budget passed by the pro-Fubara “Edison Ehie faction”, declaring it illegitimate.
The Rivers State High Court (Port Harcourt)
Conversely, Justice C.N. Wali and Justice Sika Aprioku issued orders restraining the Amaewhule faction from parading themselves as lawmakers, citing their initial “defection” in late 2023. These “coordinate” courts of equal jurisdiction issued “divergent” orders, creating a deadlock where the police obeyed Abuja, and the civil service obeyed Port Harcourt.
The Supreme Court intervention (February & March 2025)
The legal chaos seemingly climaxed in early 2025. In a series of landmark judgments, the Supreme Court appeared to hand the Wike camp a decisive victory.
The “No Evidence” Ruling
On March 7, 2025, the Supreme Court struck out Governor Fubara’s suit seeking to declare the lawmakers’ seats vacant. The apex court held that because Fubara had withdrawn his initial affidavits (during a failed peace deal brokered by President Bola Tinubu), there was “no legal evidence” that the 27 lawmakers had actually defected. In the eyes of the law, they remained members of the PDP.
The financial stranglehold
The Court subsequently ordered the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) to withhold allocations to Rivers State until a budget was legally passed by the Amaewhule-led assembly. This created a “Zombie Assembly” – legally recognized as PDP members by the Supreme Court, yet politically operating as an opposition force loyal to an APC-aligned Minister.
The December twist: The “17” paradox
If the Supreme Court saved the lawmakers in March 2025 by saying “there is no proof you defected,” the events of December 5, 2025, appear to have turned that defence on its head.
By standing on the floor of the House and formally announcing their move to the APC, Speaker Amaewhule and 16 colleagues have voluntarily stripped themselves of the very legal shield the Supreme Court provided.
Why now?
Sources indicate the move was forced by internal PDP politics. With the PDP national leadership moving to expel Wike’s loyalists and restructure the state chapter under Fubara, the lawmakers faced the risk of being politically homeless in the 2027 cycle. They chose to solidify their APC status, gambling that their sheer numbers and federal backing would protect them. However, the math has changed. The original group was 27. Now, only 17 have defected.
The “Loyal 10”
Reports confirm that 10 PDP lawmakers refused to join the new defection wave, creating a recognized “minority” caucus that Fubara can now recognize as the “legitimate” PDP assembly.
Future forecast: The coming constitutional crash
Based on the trajectory of this conflict, the future of Rivers State looks turbulent.
Here is the likely projection of the “Fight-to-Finish”
1. The Revival of Section 109(1)(g)
Governor Fubara’s loyalists might most likely seize this new, undeniable evidence of defection. Unlike in 2023, they do not need to prove “intent” – the lawmakers have declared it on video. Fubara’s faction might now likely declare the seats of the 17 vacant immediately, arguing that the Supreme Court’s March protection no longer applies because the facts have changed.
2. A tale of two Assemblies (Again)
In the immediate scenario, Rivers will return to the scenario of dual assemblies.
The APC 17: May choose to sit (likely under heavy police protection) and attempt to impeach the Governor again.
The PDP 10: Will sit (likely in Government House) to pass a new budget and screen commissioners, claiming to be the only members who have not violated the constitution.
3. Supreme Court Round 2
The matter will head back to the Supreme Court. This time, the question will not be “Did they defect?” but “Does a division in the national PDP justify this defection?”
Analysis: The Supreme Court has historically been strict on defections (e.g., the precedent that only a split in the national party leadership justifies keeping one’s seat). The Wike camp will argue the PDP is factionalized; the Fubara camp will argue the PDP leadership is intact.
4. The nuclear option: State of Emergency
If violence erupts the call for a State of Emergency might resurface, this time louder. This would be the ultimate “checkmate” by federal forces, potentially removing Fubara’s immunity and dissolving democratic structures, effectively handing control to an administrator, for the second time.
Conclusion
The defection of the 17 lawmakers is not the end of the war; it is the removal of the safety pin. By abandoning the PDP cover that saved them in March, Wike’s foot soldiers have invited a fresh legal onslaught. Rivers State is now drifting toward a constitutional precipice where the only certainty is that the next judgment – whether from the courts or the streets – will be final.
